[1] Interestingly enough, the first reenactment of the AD 43 invasion of Britain was put on by Claudius himself: “He gave representations in the Campus Martius of the storming and sacking of a town in the manner of real warfare, as well as of the surrender of the kings of the Britons, and presided clad in a general's cloak.” (Tranquilius Suetonius, Vitae, Claudius 21). What may be the earliest Roman reenactment was staged by Caesar in 45 BC as part of a stupendous series of games celebrating the end of the civil war, including a novissime pugna (a most novel battle) in the Circus: “… and last of all there was a battle between two opposing armies, in which five hundred foot-soldiers, twenty elephants, and thirty horsemen engaged on each side. To make room for this, the goals were taken down and in their place two camps were pitched over against each other” (Julius Caesar 39.3). Domitian regularly held costly spectacles “in the Circus, where in addition to the usual races between two-horse and four-horse chariots, he also exhibited two battles, one between forces of infantry and the other by horsemen.” (Domitian 4.1)  If soldiers and marines were the participants in these pageants (and not gladiators or prisoners), their experience in such would represent the opposite end of the spectrum from practical training (Rance, p. 260).

[2] Suetonius, Tiberius 72: “Twice only during the whole period of his retirement did he try to return to Rome, once sailing in a trireme as far as the gardens near the artificial lake, … and again coming up the Appian Way as far as the seventh milestone. But he returned after merely having a distant view of the city walls, without approaching them; the first time for some unknown reason, the second through alarm at a portent. … So he went back in haste to Campania, fell ill at Astura, but recovering somewhat kept on to Circeii. To avoid giving any suspicion of his weak condition, he not only attended the games of the soldiers, but even threw down darts from his high seat at a boar which was let into the arena.” The soldiers that Tiberius watched were likely classis milites (marines) and praetorians detailed to Circeii to provide transport and guard detachments to the nearby Pandateria and Pontian islands, where Tiberius exiled and executed relatives (Caligula 15).

[3] Ludi castrenses may have originally been a sarcastic term coined by common milites. Examples of military slang are preserved in De Verborum Significatu by Sextus Pompeius Festus, an epitome of the Augustan-era encyclopedic treatise of the grammarian Verrius Flaccus. Under the entry Miltem, Festus gives as an example of an antiphrase the word ludus, which was used for things which were not sporting or enjoyable. Vegetius says in I-13 that soldiers that were deficient in arms skills, mock battle, and drill were fed barley instead of wheat until they had mastered “all that was contained in the militari arte.” The practice of using barley as a form of punishment seems to have ended in the Augustan era; in the Principate soldiers may have looked on the exercises more favorably when rewards and incentives were employed to stimulate enthusiasm.

[4] The word armatura has several meanings. Where it appears in literature of the Principate era it is almost always modified by he word levi and is translated as “light armed” or “light armament” when referring to types of infantry; Vegetius uses levi armatura with this meaning, or its heavy counterpart, gravem armatura in I-20; II-2, 15, 17, 25; III-6, 14, 20, 22, 24, 25. In a few 4^th century sources (Ammianus Marcellinus, Firmius Maternus, Vegetius I-13, II-24) armatura is also a military sport taught to noble youth for performances in the Circus, or to special military units; it included both arms skills and drill evolutions, with infantry and equestrian variations. Armatura seems also to be a drill with arms in Vegetius I-4, II-14, and especially at III-4, where he recommends soldiers “be kept as frequently as possible shooting arrows, throwing javelins, throwing stones with the sling or by hand, performing the gestures of the armatura, fencing with foils made to imitate swords with the point and the edge for most of the day until they are exhausted.” This meaning is not attested anywhere else, but the title or position of armatura is known from inscriptions. Armaturae are believed to have been expert weapons masters who taught the armatura  during the Principate (Rance p. 248). On this basis, armatura is used denote arms drills and contests and arms trainers in this outline.

[5] Vegetius describes training with javelins, arrows, and slings, I-14–16, II-23; and their deployment in III-14. Avidius Cassius used arms contests to restore discipline in the legions of Syria:  “Once a week there was a drill of all the soldiers, in which they even shot arrows and engaged in contests in the use of arms (armis luderent).” Historia Augusta, Avidius Cassius 6.3. Archaeological evidence confirms the presence in legionary contexts of all the missiles noted: Chapman, p. 27-57 for the Caerleon fortress; Unz & Deschler-Erb, plates 15-24 for Vindonissa; Keppie pp. 123–125 for sling bullets with legion markings used in the 41 BC siege of Perusia. Literary accounts of legionaries using missile weapons in combat include the 38 BC defeat in open battle of a Parthian army in Syria by Ventidius Bassus, Cassius Dio 49.19; the legions of Vitellius and Vespasian in AD 69 fight at Cremona with arrows, slingstones, lanceae, and conti (pole weapons),  Tacitus Hist. III-27.

[6] Decursio, decursus, and decurrere are the Roman terms for drill performances, drill as training, and field maneuver exercises, although these Latin words have other meanings in different contexts. Titus Livius uses decurrere to denote performances, training, and field maneuvers; the descriptions in which forms of the verb occur may be more accurate for contemporary Roman military practices in the Augustan period than those of the middle Republic or the foreign armies mentioned in Ab Urbe Condita (23.35.6, 24.28.11, 26.51.3, 29.22, 40.6, 44.9). Tacitus prefers the verb participle decursus for what were probably parade ground evolutions and maneuvers (Ann. 2.55, 3.33). Suetonius uses decursio for displays of maneuvers: the Trojan game in Caligula 18; Nero leading the praetorian guard in a procession (8), Galba directing field maneuvers (campestrem decursionem) over a long distance while Caligula observed (6). In Vegetius I-3, the infinitive decurrere (to drill) is used. In II-22 decursio campi seems to denote parade ground drill; in III-4 the soldiers use their own term campicursio for reviews of arms, but in III-9 Vegetius uses the same word more in the sense of field maneuvers (Milner, p. 69). A sestertius issue under Nero with the reverse legend “DECVRSIO” probably commemorates the event describes by Suetonius (Van Meter p.86). A Lambaesis inscription records Hadrian using decursio to describe cavalry maneuvers performed for him during a review in North Africa (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 08, 18042).

[7] The connection between tactica and Arrianus’ gymnasia is elaborated upon in “Comments on a key source” above. In Livius 23.35.6 and 24.28.11, the drilling (decurrere, decurrendo) of recruits taught them to follow their standards (signa sequi), know their places in the ranks (agnoscere ordines) and keep their ranks (servare ordines); these are basic principles of infantry drill in tactica. 

[8] In II-23, Vegetius notes what is important in drill, or as he calls it in this instance prolusione (exercise before a fight or rehearsal), as learning how to keep ranks (servare ordines) and follow their vexillum through complicated evolutions. In another chapter (III-9) he recommends that commanders test their men to see how well they interact with one another in battle rehearsal and whether they promptly obey trumpet calls, signals, and commands.

[9] Arrianus 35 describes how extra banners were used to help distinguish parts of the display.

[10] In actual military usage pugna or bellum might have sufficed by itself as a word for mock battle, with the context denoting whether it was a peacetime exercise with practice weapons—or a deadly fight with a real enemy. In literary sources the word simulacra (image or representation) is sometimes added make it clear to the reader which was meant (Livius 40.6.6; Lucretius 2.41, 2.324; Vergil Aeneid 5.674). Livius also used the terms ludicrum certamen (sporting combat) and imago pugnae (image of battle) in 40.6.6. Regardless of the terminology, it is clear from non-technical literary sources that mock combat was a recurring feature of Roman training: Polybius 10.20.3; Livius 26.51; Josephus, Jewish War 3.72-6; Pliny the Younger, Panegyricus 13; Appian, The Civil Wars 3.48; Historia Augusta, Maximinus 6.2. Mock combat features in didactic literature as well. Onasander (X-4) recommends to Quintus Veranius (Consul AD 49, governor of Britain in 57) that “after dividing the army into two parts he should lead them against each other in a sham battle, armed with staves or the shafts of javelins; if there should be any fields covered with clods, he should command them to throw clods; if they have any leather straps, the soldiers should use them in the battle.” Vegetius includes  mock battle in the infantry training regimens in I-13, II-23, III-4 and III-9.

[11] Polybius described Scipio’s army “sword-fighting with wooden swords covered with leather and with a button on the point, while others practiced casting with javelins also having a button at the point.” In Livius’ rendering in contemporary Latin (26.51) rudis is used for the wooden swords but padding is not mentioned, and the javelins are ball-tipped: hence praepilata missilia.  Pila praepilata are used in a training exercise by Caesar’s forces in Bello Africo 72.

[12] In Arrianus 39, the mock combat is between the smallest basic units of cavalry. In 14, the infantry basic unit consists of eight men.

[13] A large-scale example is mentioned in Appian, Civil Wars 3.48. Octavian “witnessed some military exercises of the two legions that had deserted from Marcus Antonius, who ranged themselves opposite each other and gave a complete representation of a battle, except only the killing.”

[14] Mock combat and competitions are all assumed to be performed in the area of the prepared field described in Arrianus 34, and in view of the rostra; specific mentions at 38, 39, 41, 42.

[15] The Lambaesis inscriptions record Hadrian praising some units for their construction skills, Lendering pp.8-9. Vegetius in I-9 suggests soldiers be exercised in running and jumping, and quotes Sallust’s praise of Pompey the Great for competing with “the speedy at jumping, with the swift at running”; in I 18 the vaulting of wooden horses is recommended. See n. 29 for further evidence derived from Roman legal texts.

[16] See Lendon pp. 253­–258 for an analysis of the competitiveness and rivalry between Roman military units and individuals soldiers, using numerous examples drawn from Josephus’ account of the siege of Jerusalem. This spirit of competition was encouraged and harnessed by Roman commanders to promote training as well as boldness in battle.

[17] In Arrianus 42 the best pike thrower, called out by name, represents each basic unit in the pike contest. The best soldiers are also chosen to display certain skills at 37, 39, and 40.

[18]Most, if not all, accounts of ludi castrenses, mock battles, military gymnasia, and decursiones mention oversight by someone of rank. Livius, 26.51: tribunes organize mock battles; 23.35, legates and tribunes decurrere (maneuver or drill) recruits. Vegetius I-13: soldiers perform the armatura for tribunes, prefects, and other senior officers. Historia Augusta, Maximinus 6.2: As a tribune or praefectus tironum,  every fifth day Maximinus commanded his soldiers to drill and fight a sham battle against one another (milites decurrere, inter se simulacra bellorum agere). Suetonius, Galba 6: Galba as proconsular governor leads a campestris decursio, with Caligula observing. Plutarch, Life of Pompey 64: Pompeius Magnus not only exercised his infantry at Beroea, but taking part in the exercises himself, he “competed in full armor as a foot soldier” in spite of his age. Arrianus, legatus Augusti pro praetore of Cappadocia, wrote his detailed account of the hippika gymnasia presumably after sharing a reviewing stand with Hadrian (DeVoto p. ii). See n. 1, 2, 10, 16, 18, 20 for others of imperial rank.

[19] The  Lambaesis column records what was probably a speech by Hadrian praising and criticizing the exercises, demonstrations, and contests of legionaries and auxiliaries he reviewed. Unfortunately, the inscriptions are fragmentary; the only exercises for which detailed descriptions survive are those of cavalry. For an overview of the Lambaesis inscriptions, see Jona Lendering, Ancient Warfare, Special Issue 2010, pp. 6-9.

[20] In Arrianus 40 one of the objects of the javelin throwing is to hit the shield target as forcefully as possible toward its middle.

[21] The Lambaesis inscriptions (n. 11) record Hadrian’s criticism of a cavalry unit for not maintaining its formation during an evolution. In Panegyricus 13, Pliny the Younger lauds Trajan for participating in mock combat training alongside his soldiers, noting what he valued in that exercise: “What shall I say now of the admiration which
you won from your own men? They saw how you
shared their hunger and thirst on field maneuvers
and how their commander's sweat and dust was
mingled with their own; with nothing to mark you
out save your height and physique, in open battle
you launched your spears at close quarters or received those aimed at you; you delighted in the
courage of your soldiers and rejoiced whenever a
heavier blow struck you on shield or helmet, praising
your assailants and urging them on to greater deeds
of daring — which they at once performed.”

[22] Arrianus 34 describes the decorated helmets, plumes, colorful tunics, and special shields worn or carried by the partisans in the hippika gymnasia. In the conclusion (44) the exercises :were summarized “Some were for beauty, some for sharpness, some for amazement and some for usefulness in a task.” Legionary infantry could also put on an impressive display, as evidenced in Tacitus Hist. 2.89: “Before each eagle were the prefects of the camp, the tribunes, and the centurions of highest rank, in white robes, and the other officers by the side of their respective companies, glittering with arms and decorations. The phalerae and torques of the soldiers presented a brilliant appearance. It was a glorious sight …”

[23] After the mock battles described Appian Civil Wars 3.48,  Octavian is pleased with the legions overall performance and awards each man 500 drachmas. Historia Augusta, Hadrian 10: While inspecting the army in Germany, the emperor “kept the soldiers in training just as if war were imminent … . And that the troops might submit more willingly to the increased harshness of his orders, he bestowed gifts on many and honours on a few.”

[24] The practice was well known to Romans from racing. An inscription detailing the career of a Gaius Appuleius Diocles, a charioteer from Lusitania, records prize wins of 1,462 first place, 861 seconds, 576 thirds, and 1 fourth place in an unusual race, in the years AD 122 to 146 (Harris p. 198, based the inscription Diocles CIL, VI. 10048).

[25] Arrianus 34 describes the field and tribunal. A sestertius issue with the reverse legend “ADLOCVTIO COH” depicts Caligula addressing the praetorian guard from a tribunal, Van Meter p.80.

[26] Shields held by cavalrymen are targets for the “ironless” javelins thrown in Arrianus 40. In 41 iron- tipped spears are thrown at shields or targets “affixed on the left of the rostra.” Shields mounted on posts were targets for the equestrian javelineers in the Athenian military games for youth (Golden, p. 124).

[27] Vegetius I 15 for palus  as a target for mock arrows;  II 23  for scopae as targets for arrows and sling projectiles

[28] Arrianus 43: “Moreover, there are various throwings either of light spears or of darts, these shot not from slings but a machine, and stones from the hand or from a sling at a target which stands in the middle of the two of which I made mention. It is a fine thing if they smash the target with the stones, a thing which happens not to be easy to smash. …”

[29] Golden p. vii. Uniform distances were not a concern for classical sporting contests nor were records kept for best distances; what was important was who won each match.

[30]  Arrianus 43

[31] Digest of Justinian 11.5.2.1. Julius Paulus, an important jurist as well as praetorian prefect under Alexander Severus, rendered the legal opinion that games of virtuous skill (including throwing hasta, fencing, running, and jumping) were exempt from general prohibitions on gambling. Codex of Justinian 3.43.1pr recognizes that gambling is an ancient practice among soldiers which  should be prohibited. An exception is made in 3.43.1.4 for the ludi quinque (five games) which have been interpreted as including the throwing of spears or darts, fencing, and jumping, i.e. games of military skill. Interestingly, in the next entry, Codex3.43.2, the game of equi lignei  (wooden horses) is specifically prohibited. The training of soldiers to vault the equi lignei is recommended by Vegetius in I-18

[32] Harris p. 225

[33] Tacitus, Ann. 2.55: Placinia, the wife of Cn. Piso, “instead of keeping herself within the proper limits of a woman, would be present at the evolutions of the cavalry and the maneuvers (decursus) of the cohorts (AD 20-22). In Ann. 3.33 Severus Caecina, in a speech condemning the practice of the Senators taking their wives with them when on military postings, pointed out that recently a woman had presided at the exercise (exercitium) of the cohorts and the evolutions (decursus) of the legions.